Monthly Archives: February 2011

On Wisconsin

httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zAfsIW6RY8Q

This is nice little common sense video putting the Wisconsin budget “crisis” into perspective and explaining by the simplest possible means how little it would cost to “fix” it.

However, what it doesn’t mention is that the “crisis” has been deliberately engineered by the new Tea Party governor of the state as a pretext for union busting.  He inherited a budget surplus when he took office in January.  He’s now running a deficit.  The reason?  It rhymes with “wax butts for the witch.”

It never stops.

(h/t to Amanda Etches-Johnson for the video)

Video of the Day: The Beginning of the End?

httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ua_rSF1TQ6k

Chris Matthews and his panel have a hilarious good time reviewing the leaked manuscript of a memoir by former Palin aide Frank Bailey.  This may be enough to end the madness, at least as far as the mainstream media is concerned.  No more free rides for her.

Now if only we could revisit Bill O’Reilly’s multi-million dollar sexual harassment suit and Rush Limbaugh’s draft deferments for a sore bum, his illegal possession of Oxycontin, not to mention his illegal possession of Viagra during a visit to a sex-vacation haven.  Poobahs on the right are as answerable for their foibles, crimes and misdemeanours as everyone else.  They only think they aren’t.

Call for Papers: Special Issue of “English Studies in Canada”

A call for papers from English Studies in Canada:

To mark Northrop Frye’s 100th birthday and as part of the process of revaluation of this important figure, ESC is planning a special issue on Frye.  Northrop Frye was enormously influential and in a variety of fields and with a variety of individuals, so we are encouraging papers from all disciplines, as well as English.  Submissions are welcome on any topic or approach relevant to Frye.  Topics might include:

What does Frye have to say to us today? — Current perceptions of Frye — Frye and McLuhan — Frye and Canadian literature/culture — Visionary Frye — Frye’s sources —Frye and Music —Frye’s reputation— Applying Frye’s ideas or approaches to specific texts (or movies) — Frye¹s concepts (e.g., displacement) — Frye in other language contexts —Frye’s impact on literary studies —Frye and the Sixties — Frye and Genre — Frye and Popular Culture — Frye’s diaries / letters — Bibliographic issues — Frye and Blake (or Dickinson or Shakespeare or Milton or any other specific author) — Is it time for a Frye revival? —Frye as teacher —Frye and poetry —Specific Frye texts (e.g., Fearful Symmetry) — Frye and other critics — Frye and other fields and disciplines — Frye and education — Frye and faith — Frye and the university — Frye and institutional religion — Frye and politics — Frye’s view of history — Frye and children’s literature or science fiction or fantasy or detective fiction — Frye and creative writing—The new edition — Frye and the media — Frye and the Bible — Frye and the visual — Frye and imagination — Humour and Frye

In addition, shorter notes detailing personal responses to Frye’s work are welcome.  What is your personal view of Frye, his place, his influence, what he has meant to you?  Give us a brief reflection on Frye.

Submit by email—in Word 2003, please: mnicholson@tru.ca

or by regular mail at the address below.  Submissions by 15 July please

Mervyn Nicholson

Department of English

Thompson Rivers University

Box 3010, Kamloops

British Columbia

V2C 5N3

Call for Submissions to Frye Centenary Edition of “ellipse”

Frye as a 17 year old freshman at Victoria College, 1929-1930

The literary journal ellipse is calling for submissions for a special edition, to be published in the spring of 2012, to mark Northrop Frye’s centenary year.

Poems, stories, and essays are welcome, in English or in French. Stories and essays should be 4,000 words maximum.

Contributions do not necessarily have to be directly influenced or shaped by Frye’s thought, as long as they are submitted to honour Frye on his 100th birthday.

A section of the journal will also be devoted to Memories of Frye from former students, colleagues, and friends. Please submit in the range of 1,000 words or less.

The launch of this special edition, with readings by some contributors, will take place in Moncton in April, 2012, as part of the Frye Fest’s three-day celebration of the centenary.

Ellipse, under the direction of Jo-Anne Elder, is a journal that focuses on Canadian Writing in Translation / textes littéraires canadiens en traduction. Some of the selected pieces will be translated for this special edition.

Co-Editors for this special issue will be Ed Lemond and Suzanne Cyr, Co-Chairs of the program committee for the Frye Festival.

Deadline for submissions is September 15, 2011. E-mail submissions are preferred. Please send submissions to ellipsefrye@gmail.com

By regular mail send to:

revue ellipse mag

180 Liverpool Street

Fredericton, NB E3B 4V5

Luis Bunuel

httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pib9zv1dHcE

A notorious sequence from 1923’s Un Chien Andalou

Today is surrealist filmmaker Luis Bunuel‘s birthday (1900-1983).

From “Design as a Creative Prinicple in the Arts”:

Realism is often associated with, and often rationalized as, a scientific view of the world, but the impetus behind realistic art, good or bad, is of social and not scientific origin.  There is a curious law of art, seen in Van Gogh and in some of the Surrealists, that even the attempt to reproduce the act of seeing, when carried out with sufficient energy, tends to lose its realism and take on the unnatural glittering intensity of hallucination.  (CW 27, 232)

Quote of the Day: “Why Isn’t Wall Street in Jail?”

Here’s a nice supplement to my earlier post from Matt Taibbi’s article, “Why Isn’t Wall Street in Jail?” in this week’s Rolling Stone:

“Here’s how regulation of Wall Street is supposed to work. To begin with, there’s a semigigantic list of public and quasi-public agencies ostensibly keeping their eyes on the economy, a dense alphabet soup of banking, insurance, S&L, securities and commodities regulators like the Federal Reserve, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. (FDIC), the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), as well as supposedly “self-regulating organizations” like the New York Stock Exchange. All of these outfits, by law, can at least begin the process of catching and investigating financial criminals, though none of them has prosecutorial power.

The major federal agency on the Wall Street beat is the Securities and Exchange Commission. The SEC watches for violations like insider trading, and also deals with so-called “disclosure violations” — i.e., making sure that all the financial information that publicly traded companies are required to make public actually jibes with reality. But the SEC doesn’t have prosecutorial power either, so in practice, when it looks like someone needs to go to jail, they refer the case to the Justice Department. And since the vast majority of crimes in the financial services industry take place in Lower Manhattan, cases referred by the SEC often end up in the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York. Thus, the two top cops on Wall Street are generally considered to be that U.S. attorney — a job that has been held by thunderous prosecutorial personae like Robert Morgenthau and Rudy Giuliani — and the SEC’s director of enforcement.

The relationship between the SEC and the DOJ is necessarily close, even symbiotic. Since financial crime-fighting requires a high degree of financial expertise — and since the typical drug-and-terrorism-obsessed FBI agent can’t balance his own checkbook, let alone tell a synthetic CDO from a credit default swap — the Justice Department ends up leaning heavily on the SEC’s army of 1,100 number-crunching investigators to make their cases. In theory, it’s a well-oiled, tag-team affair: Billionaire Wall Street Asshole commits fraud, the NYSE catches on and tips off the SEC, the SEC works the case and delivers it to Justice, and Justice perp-walks the Asshole out of Nobu, into a Crown Victoria and off to 36 months of push-ups, license-plate making and Salisbury steak.

That’s the way it’s supposed to work. But a veritable mountain of evidence indicates that when it comes to Wall Street, the justice system not only sucks at punishing financial criminals, it has actually evolved into a highly effective mechanism for protecting financial criminals. This institutional reality has absolutely nothing to do with politics or ideology — it takes place no matter who’s in office or which party’s in power. To understand how the machinery functions, you have to start back at least a decade ago, as case after case of financial malfeasance was pursued too slowly or not at all, fumbled by a government bureaucracy that too often is on a first-name basis with its targets. Indeed, the shocking pattern of nonenforcement with regard to Wall Street is so deeply ingrained in Washington that it raises a profound and difficult question about the very nature of our society: whether we have created a class of people whose misdeeds are no longer perceived as crimes, almost no matter what those misdeeds are. The SEC and the Justice Department have evolved into a bizarre species of social surgeon serving this nonjailable class, expert not at administering punishment and justice, but at finding and removing criminal responsibility from the bodies of the accused.

The systematic lack of regulation has left even the country’s top regulators frustrated. Lynn Turner, a former chief accountant for the SEC, laughs darkly at the idea that the criminal justice system is broken when it comes to Wall Street. ‘I think you’ve got a wrong assumption — that we even have a law-enforcement agency when it comes to Wall Street,’ he says.”

(Illustration by Victor Juhasz)

The Communist Manifesto

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels published The Communist Manifesto on this date in 1848.

Frye in “Varieties of Literary Utopias” takes note of the similar dark underlying assumptions of revolutionary American and Marxist views:

The terms of this argument naturally changed after the Industrial Revolution, which introduced the conception of revolutionary process into society.  This led to the present division of social attitudes mentioned above, between the Marxist Utopia as distant end and the common American belief in the Utopianizing tendency of the productive process, often taking the form of a belief that Utopian standards of living can be reached in America alone.  This belief, though rudely shaken by every disruptive social event at least since the stock market crash of 1929, still inspires an obstinate and resilient confidence.  The popular American view and the Communist one, superficially different as they are, have in common the assumption that to increase man’s control over his environment is also to control over his destiny. (CW 27, 209)

Glenn Beck’s wild chalkboard fantasies connecting Obama to the rise of a new Caliphate funded by George Soros may have an indirect relation to reality — but only  as a paranoid and inverted projection of the interests he represents.  The increasingly hysterical cohort on the right and the dirty Commies it associates with even modestly left-of-centre politics have much in common: a revolutionary outlook that promotes unrestrained industrialism and ruthless exploitation of the environment, resulting in the illusion of mastery which only enhances degraded social conditions.  We are currently seeing this in the U.S. as the Republican agenda in Congress and at the state level becomes more obvious: massive unemployment accompanied by the rending of the social safety net and cynical efforts to roll back hard won collective bargaining rights. This is yet another way of obscuring the unprecedented theft of public and private wealth through government-abetted Wall Street scams, and then transferring the blame to undermine the unionized middle class whose share of national wealth has been flat since Reagan/Thatcher.  We know about the economic collapse of the old Soviet Union overseen by an insular ruling elite not answerable to the will of the people or the rule of law.  What might be the equivalent here?  Maybe something like the 2008 collapse of the financial markets engineered by the greed and incompetence of a kleptomaniacal ruling class always in need of bailouts and tax cuts.

Perhaps Beck might trace this out on his blackboard.  It’s completely doable.