httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KP_MDIYhPH0
“In the Early Morning Rain”
Today is Gordon Lightfoot‘s birthday (born 1938). This song has also been covered by Bob Dylan, who’s called it one of his favorites.
httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KP_MDIYhPH0
“In the Early Morning Rain”
Today is Gordon Lightfoot‘s birthday (born 1938). This song has also been covered by Bob Dylan, who’s called it one of his favorites.
httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PTUY16CkS-k
Need to know: Quantitative easing.
Matt Taibbi elaborates on the explanation.
A sample:
This video went up on Zero Hedge yesterday, I believe. In the first minute you will want to throw both of these little bears in a sack and drown them, but by the end they win you over. There are so many things about QE that are crazy, but there’s one thing that I’d like to point out in particular. Yes, this is a huge money-printing program with potentially disastrous inflationary consequences. And yes, the influx of all this money could easily distort markets and prices far beyond the extreme distortions we’ve already been dealing with (commodities prices shot through the roof after this latest QE round was announced). But the thing I want to focus on is the subsidy aspect of QE, pointed out in the video. QE is designed to buy Treasuries and other assets, but the Fed does not simply go out and buy Treasuries itself; it does it through its primary dealers, who include of course banks like Goldman, Sachs. The Fed all but announces when it’s going to be doing this buying and in what quantity, which allows the banks to buy up this stuff at lower prices ahead of time and then sell it to the Fed at inflated cost.
Even forgetting about the obvious insider trading aspect to all of this, the official middleman status of the banks is a direct government subsidy and it is little remarked upon, even by the Tea Party crowd, which is otherwise so opposed to “welfare.” But these sorts of subsidies exist all throughout the financial services industry.
httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ohD-WUrMsjE
The famous scene in Crime and Punishment in which Raskolnikov is questioned by detective Porfiry Petrovich. (From the excellent 2002 BBC adaptation of the novel.)
On this date in 1849 a Russian court sentenced Fyodor Dostoevsky to death for anti-government activities linked to a radical intellectual group; his sentence was later commuted to hard labor.
Frye puts Dostoevsky in very good company in this illuminating moment from Creation and Recreation:
Recently a collection of early reviews of mine was published, and on looking over it I was amused to see how preoccupied I had been then with two writers, Spengler and Frazer, who haunted me contantly, though I was well aware all the time I was studying them that they were rather stupid men and often slovenly scholars. But I found them, or rather their central visions, unforgettable, while there are hundreds of books by more intelligent and scrupulous people which I have forgotten having read. Some of them are people who have utterly refuted the claims of Spengler and Frazer to be taken seriously. But the thinker who was annihilated on Tuesday has to be annihilated all over again on Wednesday: the fortress of thought is a Valhalla, not an abattoir.
This is not merely my own perversity: we all find that it is not only, perhaps not even primarily, the balanced and judicious people that we turn to for insight. It is also such people as Baudelaire, Rimbaud, Holderlin, Kierkegaard, Dostoevsky, Nietzsche, all of them liars in Wilde’s sense of the word, as Wilde was himself. They were people whose lives got smashed up in various ways, but who rescued fragments from the smash of an intensity that the steady-state people seldom get to hear about. Their vision is penetrating because it is partial and distorted: it is truthful because it is falsified. To the Old Testament’s question, “Where shall wisdom be found?’ [Job 28-12] there is often only the New Testament’s answer: “Well, not among the wise, at any rate” [cf. 1 Corinthians 1:19-20]. (CW 4, 39-40)
Thinking about the recent horrors of runaway laissez-faire capitalism and what its alternative might be has brought me around to this entry in one of Frye’s “Third Book” notebooks:
Elie Wiesel, Legends for our Time. The last chapter, “A Plea for the Dead,” describes how nobody made any real fuss when six million Jews were murdered in Germany. Nobody to blame, except everybody. This is the kind of thing that makes it impossible for me to be a Buddhist, to accept ignorance and enlightenment as ultimate categories. The terrible burden of guilt simply has to be accepted: we can’t cast it off even on Christ.
What we can do about it involves organization — moral organization. Communism cannot produce this: it’s only the other side of capitalism, and accepts all its economic-man stereotypes. Teaching people one by one to be more sympathetic is futile. Western organization is the key, though no Western society has it. Our fumblings for “participatory democracy” really have as their goal a society in which one almighty yell can go up, almost automatically, when East Pakistan or black Rhodesia or whatever gets out of line with our moral sense. We don’t really lack moral feelings; what we lack is a social structure in which to embody them. (CW 9, 321)
In the absence of such a moral social structure we get the Tea Party, which is itself a creation and a tool of a deeply entrenched and self-serving oligarchy. (That is, the top 1% of the population that owns 38% of the wealth and takes in 25% of the income — and still demands tax cuts.)
From left, King, Franklin Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, and Canadian Governor-General, the Earl of Athlone
On this date in 1948 William Lyon Mackenzie King, our longest-serving prime minister, was succeeded by Louis St. Laurent.
Frye, in a 1981 interview with Maureen Harris, places King in the pattern of Canadian politics:
Canada has always had its famous problem of identity and a problem of diffidence. The result is that it’s not a nation that places much trust in heroic leaders. The attitude to Mackenzie King in every election was, “Oh my God, do we have to go out and vote for that guy again?” — but they always did. Then, when Trudeau came along. . .I’ve been very convinced that the enormous outburst of creative activity in English Canada from about 1960 on was the result of the previous Quiet Revolution in Quebec; it was a response to the fact that French Canada had developed and was conscious of an identity of its own. I think people in 1968 saw Trudeau as the person who united these two forms of consciousness. But no golden age lasts, and the Canadian habit, like the habits of any country, will reassert itself sooner or later. So now we’re back at the stage of, “Oh my God, do we have to go out and vote for that guy again?” (CW 24, 516)
I’ve been reminded this weekend not to post too quickly and not to post angry. I did both with my review of Matt Taibbi’s Griftopia. I’ve therefore gone back, cleaned it up, added some links to provide more context, and expanded the last four paragraphs.
I’m making my way through Matt Taibbi’s Griftopia: Bubble Machines, Vampire Squids and the Long Con That Is Breaking America. It provides documentation for the worst case scenario that is increasingly becoming the new normal: the rise of plutocracy with government acting as a conduit to accelerate the transfer of wealth upward.
Most people probably know that the middle class share of wealth has been flat-lined for thirty years, coinciding with the ascendancy of Thatcherism, Reaganomics, deregulation, de-unionization, and trickle-down economics (which does not result in the trickling down of wealth but is startlingly efficient at making the rich richer and the poor poorer). But most people probably do not know that the top 1% of the population in the U.S. owned 34% of the nation’s wealth at the time of the collapse of the financial market in 2008, or that it now owns 38%. Which is to say that the wealthiest class of people in whose interests the market crashed two years ago have, as a result, increased pretty substantially their already disproportionate share of wealth.
Many will no doubt reflexively cite the principles of market economy to rationalize this. But there’s no market economy at work here. As we saw with the bailouts of Wall Street, being on the wrong side of moral hazard is for suckers. The destructive part of creative destruction is reserved for losers. Those who belong to the “too big to fail” class, meanwhile, have nothing to worry about. When they fail they get bail, and they know it. It’s too bad the Teabaggers — the incoherent mob organized and funded by the most thuggish of Wall Street interests — don’t know, as Taibbi puts it, who they should be aiming their pitchforks at.
Taibbi lays out the story with a pugnacious style. Surviving as a reporter in Vladimir Putin’s Moscow has left him in no mood for high-end gangsterism: he’s the guy who coined the often repeated description of Goldman Sachs as a “vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity.”
In the excerpt below, for example, Taibbi describes the decades-long genesis of the ’08 disaster under the palsied hand of the ideologically blinkered Randian, Alan Greenspan. During the Internet bubble of the mid-1990s — when out-of-nowhere tech companies with no assets were exploding in value by up to 400% overnight — Greenspan, as head of the Federal Reserve, did nothing to rein in what he’d only timidly (and only once) referred to as the “irrational exuberance” of the markets:
According to Greenspan, these companies were not necessarily valued incorrectly. All that was needed to make this make sense was to rethink one’s conception of “value.” As he put it during the boom: “[There is] an ever-increasing conceptualization of our Gross Domestic Product — the substitution, in effect, of ideas for physical value.”
What Greenspan was saying, in other words, was that there was absolutely nothing wrong with bidding up to $100 million in share value some hot-air Internet stock, because the lack of that company’s “physical value” (i.e., the actual money those three employees weren’t earning) could be overcome by the inherent value of their “ideas.”
To say that this was a radical reinterpretation of the entire science of economics is an understatement — economists had never dared measure “value” except in terms of actual concrete production. It was equivalent to a chemist saying that concrete becomes gold when you paint in yellow. It was lunacy. (61-2)
When the tech bubble finally burst in the spring of 2000, Greenspan, under unrelenting pressure from financial institutions, engineered the real estate bubble that nearly threw the entire world into a Depression of terrifying proportions:
Looking back now at the early years in the 2000s, Greenspan’s comments almost seem like the ravings of a madman. The nation’s top financial official began openly encouraging citizens to use the equity in their homes as an ATM. “Low rates have also encouraged households to take on larger mortgages when refinancing their homes,” he said. “Drawing on home equity in this manner is a significant source of funding for consumption and home modernization.”
But he went really crazy in 2004, when he told America that adjustable-rate mortgages were a good product and safer, fixed-rate mortgages were unattractive. (71)
When this bubble burst and the financial market that supported it collapsed in the fall of 2008, millions of people were stripped of their remaining wealth and millions more lost their jobs and the security their labor ought to have earned them. All of this happened in the context of Greenspan keeping interest rates low and flooding the market with cash for the benefit of Wall Street and at the cost of middle class families who had previously prepared for their future with government bonds and interest on their savings. But because interest rates were so low, these traditional and secure sources of investment were virtually worthless. People of relatively modest means, therefore, were driven into what was by then a dangerously predatory market because they had few alternatives. What too many of them ended up with were adjustable-rate mortgages, which made sense at a time when interest rates had been steadily declining for years and the real estate bubble had pushed the value of property steadily upward.
Note, however, that Greenspan very sharply increased interest rates at the end of his tenure at the Federal Reserve in 2006 to ensure a greater return on variable-rate mortages to the brokers, banks and financial institutions who had issued them. When those rates went up, people could no longer afford to pay and fell into foreclosure in what was at that point an up and down the line fraud. Add to this the unregulated derivatives market and its non-capitalized “insurance” against risk, and the whole thing became a monstrous rat king of a clusterfuck by people who are obscenely well-compensated to know better. Because they didn’t know better — or, perhaps more precisely, pretended they didn’t — the market was flooded with toxic assets by way of financial instruments like “credit default swaps,” which were divided up into small packets with AAA ratings and thrown into otherwise healthy portfolios. These toxic assets infected the entire system like a retrovirus until financial institutions that were leveraged beyond their ability to meet their obligations began to collapse. Legendary institutions like Bear Sterns, Lehman Brothers, AIG, and Merrill Lynch failed or were sold for pennies on the dollar, triggering the Great Recession and the mass unemployment of those who could least afford to absorb it. Those responsible, meanwhile, received hundreds of billions of dollars in bailout money, and before very long were finding reasons to give one another bonuses amounting to billions.
That’s why Taibbi has coined the term “grifter class,” which includes Wall Street and its one reliable patron with very deep pockets: a government that governs only for the benefit of an already wealthy elite on the principle that what is good for Wall Street is good for Main Street. And that’s the grift, with no end of it in sight. Don’t count on the Teabaggers to get it or on Fox News to report it.
And, of course, this is not just an American problem. With the collapse of banks and economies and the rise of unsustainable unemployment in Europe, this is clearly everybody’s problem. The angry initial Chinese response was to suggest that, because of American irresponsibility, the world ought to be thinking about replacing the dollar as a reserve currency. That probably won’t happen, but the fact that it was suggested at all by one of the newest economic superpowers indicates just how much things have changed. If it were to happen, however, the Americans would be stuck with an already staggering debt which could no longer be repaid with their own currency. The consequences of that are unthinkable. Which is why we’ve got to think about them.
httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Pin8fbdGV9Y
Apropos just about everything, here’s The Corporation, the award winning 2003 Canadian documentary.
Courtney in her “kinderwhore” phase
After a day of rather gloomy posts, an uplifting quote of the day might dilute the fug a little.
Jenna Sauers of Jezebel explains, and very well too, “Why Courtney Love Matters.”
Courtney Love has been the subject of vicious takedowns and spirited defenses for over twenty years. The vastly different interpretations served up, I would suggest, say more about the journalists who write them and the audiences who consume them than they do about Love herself. For Love presents a conundrum: even at her most drug-addled, she’s as cheerful and self-secure as she is self-destructive. We truly don’t have enough women capable of or willing to play the bad girl with a smile — and without a trace of victimhood.
So even though she is a bad singer (the point of Courtney Love is kind of that she’s a bad singer, just like it’s kind of the point of Dylan) and (probably) a bad mother, and even though her Twitter was like a harrowing download from her Id, and even though I do not really understand what she was doing wandering a hotel naked with Anselm Kiefer and I do not believe that “a combination of Zoloft and a cocktail” really explains it, I love Courtney Love. Because she’s not a role model — and, even more, because she has never aspired to be. Because she’s not passive. Because she’s a woman who takes issue with the view that she ought to be defined by who she used to fuck in the early 90s and who she gave birth to as a result. Because she auditioned for the bloody Mickey Mouse Club at age 12 by reciting Sylvia Plath’s “Daddy.” Because she is subjected (and subjects herself) to industrial-strength moral and legal scrutiny at every turn and still gets up in the afternoon, applies lipstick in the vicinity of her mouth, and faces the world. Are these achievements too small to cheer? In a world that still orders up sacrificial pop virgins — Britney, Lindsay, Demi — to swallow down whole, I’d argue they’re anything but.
After the jump, a video from Courtney’s heyday, “Celebrity Skin.” She’s always been a consistently smart lyricist — that talent has never failed her — and the lyrics here are typically ingratiating and sardonic: “Oh make me over, I’m all I wanna be / A walking study in demonology.”
httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0aiGNvhgv9s
Conservative attack ad on Michael Ignatieff, accusing him of (wait for it) attack ads — and, a la Kory Teneycke, not being sufficiently Canadian. This is now a very familiar tactic from the right.
Further to the previous post
Frye in “City of the End of Things” in The Modern Century:
Similarly, the technique of advertising and propaganda is to stun and demoralize the critical consciousness with statements too absurd or extreme to be dealt with seriously by it. In the mind that is too frightened or credulous or childish to want to deal with the world at all, they move in past the consciousness and set up their structures unopposed.
What they create in such a mind is not necessarily acceptance, but dependence on their versions of reality. (CW 11, 13)
httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KIza1amabkA
This ridiculous artifact is so not-Canadian that it would be laughably dismissible except for the very real intimidation tactics it reveals. The message to Canadians in this and a whole string of other commercials is fear, fear, fear and still more fear.
Anyone living in Canada will know that the Harper government has deployed a battery of government funded television ads to tenderize the public for an upcoming election. The ads have an unmistakable common theme: national emergency preparedness, kids taking drugs, elder abuse, victims’ rights — and, of course, bringing it all together, the military interception of a ship whose cargo is drugs: drugs that would otherwise be fed to our children and escalate crime (including attacks upon the elderly) to national emergency levels.
This not-so-subliminal advertising is particularly distasteful coming from a government that set the stage for unprovoked police violence against its own citizens last June.
It isn’t that the issues represented in these ads are not important — they most certainly are — but they are exaggerated, de-contextualized, and unrelenting. They represent the only message this government wishes to relay to the public it is supposed to serve.
It’s ugly. And it’s an abuse of the public trust to use tax dollars to promote propaganda calculated to demoralize citizens rather than enlighten them.
Here’s the whole lot. Imagine being subjected to them around the clock every day.